APPENDIX H
THE STATE OF RESEARCH ON RASTAFARI AND REGGAE: A SELECT VIEW OF THE SOURCES

"Babylon you can't, you can't
You can't!
Study the Rastaman
Go back to college and come again"
--Culture, "Babylon Can't Study"
It is an irony that the majority of the literature written on reggae and the Rastafari is by European authors. Similar to the different rhythmic sense that can be observed in the clapping of White audiences heard on the Babylon by Bus album recorded live by Bob Marley and the Wailers in Europe, there is definitely something off-beat in most Eurocentric analyses of reggae music. What is heard when one listens to these recordings is a kind of imposition in a Eurocentric response to an African art form. And similarly, what one notices when examining much of reggae literature is the clear imposition of foreign perspective in the absence of an African-centered analytical approach that would provide a better framework to analyze the culture and music being observed. By no means, however, could this in itself be a basis for a blanket criticizing of the prominent literature on the music and culture; in fact, many European authors provide excellent resource material. Still, several European and even some African/Black authors miss the opportunity to make more perceptive analyses of reggae and the Rastafari because their works often suffer from being entrapped by their use of distorting Eurocentric methods of analyses. In the context of this "conceptual incarceration" a critique of their work on reggae must be made.
Much of reggae literature suffers from the absence of an African-centered analytical approach that is grounded in "the use of codes, paradigms, symbols, motifs, myths and circles of discussion that reinforce the centrality of African ideals and values as a valid frame of reference for acquiring and examining data." For this reason the shortcomings of Eurocentric analysis are not only committed by Europeans writing on reggae; anyone adopting these distorting methods of analysis will consequently develop similar value-laden misinterpretations of the music as well as the cultural nuances that influence it. Basically when analyzing the related literature on reggae and the Rastafari music artist, one comes to see a clear problem of perspective. Comprehending the shortcomings of applying a Eurocentric perspective in “examining” African culture requires an analysis of this perspective, as well as a basic analysis of the cultural orientation from which the perspective emerges.
The Clash of Worldviews
When one considers the nature of the interaction between the European colonists and indigenous cultures around the world, there is clear evidence of political domination and an attempt to control the cultural development of Africa, Asia, and the Americas. European conquests on these continents are evidence of their cultural-political plan and commitment to subdue indigenous populations the world over for the economic advancement of themselves. Slavery, colonialism, neo-colonialism, “globalization,” and the genocidal economic racism with its accompanying cultural prejudices are the means of continually advancing this ultimate grand scheme of European world exploitation. In line with their quest for complete dominance over the political, economic and social institutions of conquered indigenous peoples, European culture developed and perpetuated a perspective that openly raised doubt about the humanity of the conquered groups. This perspective was not only adopted by the Europeans, but it was often beaten into the indigenous peoples themselves.
Distinct perspectives are directly related to definitional systems, worldviews and culturally specific orientations to the world that grow out of distinct experiences that distinct group’s have as a result of an historical culmination of their group’s interaction in the world. In regard to people of African ascent, history further reveals that whenever in time the African and European worlds have encountered one another, conflicting cultural-political priorities have invariably arisen. Socialists and Marxists generally point to the materialist/economic incentive for the development of the domineering Eurocentric cultural perspective, suggesting that it was out of the strategy of exploiting the material and labor resources of the militarily dominated indigenous peoples that the motivation for dismissing their humanity and culture evolved. Yet, in the case of the maligning of Africa and the African, the assassinated Pan-African-socialist Walter Rodney clearly stated, “[o]ppression of African people on purely racial grounds accompanied, strengthened, and became indistinguishable from oppression for economic reasons.”
Africa’s preeminent scholar of the 20th century, Cheikh Anta Diop offers additional historical analysis to examine worldview differentiation and the development of the hegemonic Eurocentric worldview and perspective. In his “Two Cradle Theory,” Diop proposes:
The history of humanity will remain confused as long as we fail to distinguish between the two early cradles in which Nature fashioned the instincts, temperament, habits, and ethical concepts of the two subdivisions [African and European] before they met each other after a long separation dating back to prehistoric times.

In contrast to the “gentle, idealistic, peaceful nature” that he associates with Africa’s southern “cradle” of abundance, Diop maintains that the Eurasians of the barren northern “cradle” steppes developed a distinctly aggressive and downpressive culture.
All the peoples of the area, whether white or yellow, were instinctively to love conquest, because of a desire to escape from those hostile surroundings. The milieu chased them away; they had to leave it or succumb, try to conquer a place in the sun in a more clement nature.

Although it may be difficult to precisely determine what motivated the conquering Europeans to develop their hegemonic cultural perspective, it is clear that over time it affected their general collective perception that they were innately superior and all other peoples were comparatively inferior. Martin Luther King, Jr. wrote succinctly on how this thought spread throughout the European populous:
Generally we think of white supremacist views as having their origins with the unlettered underprivileged, poorer-class whites. But the social obstetricians who presided at the birth of racist views…were from the aristocracy: rich merchants, influential clergymen, men of medical sciences, historians, and political scientists from some of the leading universities of the nation. With such a distinguished company of the elite working so assiduously to disseminate racist views, what was there to inspire poor, illiterate, unskilled white farmers to think otherwise.

Similar to King's analysis, Bob Marley would recognize in song that the "Babylon System" is "built in church and university."
Thus, it is out of this context of the systematic maligning of indigenous populations that the social, historical, cultural and political perceptions of Europeans and Westerners are significantly shaped. And though it is clear that the majority of the authors who have written on reggae have been sensitized and to some degree reformed from the White supremacist view, still the analytical perspective that many of these authors construct and bring to their research of reggae is seldom, if ever, African-centered. This is central to the critique of reggae literature that must be made because it brings into light the subtle distortions that Eurocentric perspectives typically make in analyzing an African cultural phenomenon such as reggae. The major shortcoming in most scholarship on reggae revolves around the absence of analytical methods that allow for best overstanding the music's grounding philosophy, cultural-political implications and potency as traditionally and essentially a Pan-African liberation music. Because the Pan-African reasoning in reggae is most profoundly stated in the influence of the Rastafari theology, worldview and culture, the more sophisticated and insightful analyses are by authors not only grounded in African history and culture but also equally respecting of the redeeming qualities of the Rastafari theology and worldview.
Select Literature on the Rastafari
Although most reggae analyses make mention of the Rastafari, they often fail to approach Rastafari worldview from an African-centered perspective. This would recognize the cultural ideas as a legitimate, viable, and sensible approach to life, an African-centered perspective that emerges from a wellspring of identifiable cultural and historical experiences common to African people the world-over. Instead, the basic analyses of “seminal” works on the Rastafari resulted in reducing this particular way of African life to a curious type of "cultism." Many were aware of the liberating elements in the tradition, yet they stamped hysterical notions on the movement to negatively influence the societal view. This pejorative typecasting of the Rastafari first appeared in George Simpson’s 1955 “sociological” study, “Political Cultism in Western Kingston.”
It was Simpson's work with its Eurocentric lens, tainted with xenophobic guilt that would negatively influence the approach and angle of much of the subsequent research examining the Rastafari. Regarding this introductory study, Catholic priest and “social worker” Joseph Owens critiqued, "[o]ne cannot help but feel that Simpson was too much influenced by subjective feelings," and that any truth found in Simpson’s discourse on Rastafari “reverse-racism and vengeance” needs to be reconsidered as “subsidiary to a much more wholesome doctrine on race relationships” better explored from the Rastafari perspective. Other “scholars” following Simpson’s lead, fail to explore deeply into the inner coherence of the Rastafari position and having no direct knowledge, perceive them as another sect.
This "sect" categorization represents a distortion of the central subject with peripheral definitions that has seemingly been the necessary ingredient for subjective analysis under the guise of objectivity. Summary interpretations of the Rastafari doctrine demonstrate a clear hesitance to positively view African people's self-inspired creation of life guiding ideals, values and principles. Simpson’s idea that the primary motivation for Africans' acceptance of the Rastafari movement is for the expression of hatred and revenge against Whites is a prime example of the reactionary Eurocentric orientation from which some academics approach the study of the Rastafari and roots-reggae.
The inner coherence of Rastafari worldview has eluded other studies that have attempted to shed light on the group. Three UWI researchers at the request of the former Jamaican Premier, Norman Washington Manley, carried out a 1960 study on the Rastafari. Some critics say the university report also distorted the image of the Rastafari to that of a fanatical sect preaching Black racism. The Jamaican middle and upper classes expressed outrage because researchers seemingly legitimized the Rastafari by merely providing a legitimate forum for the outcast group to air their unpopular views. Under the guise of exploding the popular myth that the Rastafari were a group of lunatic criminals, many academics defend the UWI report quoting this or that Rasta that is okay with it. The Jamaican government even went as far as verbally endorsing the Rastafari doctrine for repatriation to Africa. Of course it meant the removal of an unwanted population without any compensation for all of the work the population and its ancestors were brought to Jamaica to do. Just send them back to Africa without a penny.
The long term affects of the distorted image of the Rastafari that is presented in much of the literature can still be seen as long as twenty years later. The British used select sections of the UWI report to guide their officers in how to mistreat young Rastafari. The British Home Office Circular to all Prison Department Establishments (July 1976) is said to have influenced "[p]rison officers [to] cut the locks of Rastas," as well as refuse "the legitimate demands of special dietary considerations for Rastas in prison." In the 1980s the New York City Police Department (NYPD) would allegedly conduct an intelligence investigation that reads more like 1960s FBI counter-intelligence propaganda to encourage police violence on the Rastafari. The NYPD’s 1983 report warned, “[m]ost of the Ras Tafarians are armed and will kill to avoid detection or apprehension. They believe in reincarnation and do not fear death. They pose a definite threat to any officer they come in contact with.”
A popular text that would continue to distort the image of the Rastafari and cite Simpson's work as influential is Leonard Barrett's The Rastafarians (1977). Written in terminology that suggests a sociological/anthropological approach similar to that of Simpson's, Barrett’s text is informative in terms of names, dates and facts, but ultimately falls short due to its value-laden terminology and misinterpretation of Rastafari culture. Barrett's text seems apprehensive and ambivalent about recognizing the viability in his Jamaican compatriots' worldview and perspective, despite its basis in the historical, social, and cultural progression of Africans in Jamaica. This apprehension is ironic given Barrett's astute analysis of the spirit of rebellion and resistance that marks Jamaican history from the 17th century Maroons to the 20th century Rastafari. Yet, Barrett is content on reiterating the same Rastafari "cult" categorization that Simpson began in the 1950s, without consideration of the prejudicial limitations inherent in the label. In this way Barrett’s perspective, like Simpson’s, raises a critical question about the legitimacy that the researcher grants the culture that is being observed. In placing his sociological/anthropological paradigms on Rastafari instead of Rastafari on the paradigms, Barrett fails to recognize the implicitly distorting analysis that results from his research. Several areas of Barrett's text help illustrate this paradox.
"This is not religion; this is the life."
--Bob Marley

The perception of the Rastafari as a religious movement immediately imposes certain limits on an analysis. Although there are aspects of Rastafari theology that certainly connote religion, the Rastafari phenomena is more of a cultural movement based in a traditionally and independently African-centered/Pan-African theology, redemptive worldview and nature-centered approach to life. This is a critical point because what the term "religion" connotes in the European context is ritual or ceremony performed at a specific set of times during the "holy" days of a week, month, or year. But for the African approaching spirituality from the traditionally African worldview, as the Rastafari do, the entire life process is ideally a watchful attempt to manifest The Will of The Universal Creator while advancing just principles of truth and righteousness in creation. The reggae group Culture’s “Jah Rastafari” anthem is most insightful in clarifying this social ideal of the Rastafari:
For Jah sent I as a watchman
Around Babylonian walls
Oh, Children of Israel
I and I and I should never hold I peace
While wrong is going on day or night
Man, bust down Babylon gates…
Prepare ye the way for Jah people
Fight down war and crime…
And build up righteousness

African scholarship notes that traditional worship is "integrated so much into different areas of life that in fact most of the African languages do not have a word for religion as such." Thus, for the Rastafari the "religious" adjective has imposed limitations. Cosmology, a people’s perspective of its relationship with The Creator, the universe, nature, and other humans is a clearer term to describe traditional African spiritual devotion; the term better portrays the wholistic approach by which Africans traditionally perceive the Western notion of "religion."
From Barrett's misconception of the Rastafari as a “religious” movement comes his designation of the group as a "cult." By this pejorative categorization of the group, Barrett belittles the Rastafari devotion as strangely "[o]bsessive and faddish.” His categorization of the Rastafari is also similar to C. Eric Lincoln's "sect" categorization of the Nation of Islam in another sociological/anthropological styled study that is often referred to as a seminal work, The Black Muslims in America (1963). Lincoln’s text, which was criticized by Malcolm X as responsible for misnaming Nation of Islam (NOI) members as "Black Muslims,” attempts to dis-empower the group by taking away their ability to define themselves and discrediting the manner by which they interpret their world. It is not surprising that in Lincoln's introduction to Barrett's first edition (1977), he notes similarities between Muslims in the Nation of Islam and the Rastafari. Others also note mystical similarities how “[i]n each of these cases, the people have claimed a living man as their god and messiah. Both movements began in the 1930's, and only became mass movements in the 1960's.”
Yet, scholarship noting NOI similarities with the Rastafari often fail to acknowledge the subtle differences in the two worldviews that make one African-centered by the influence of Ethiopia for the Rastafari, and the Nation of Islam more Arab-centered by the influence of Arabian culture, heritage and motif via the adoption of Islamic tradition. However, well-documented research does propose an African/Ethiopian heritage as the indigenous population and culture of the Arabian Peninsula. It is important to note the several periods of cultural exchange between Ethiopia and Arabia. Still, Lincoln and Barrett's texts both distort the image of their subjects by utilizing the same prejudicial terminology. Their analyses are driven by the imposition of dated sociological/anthropological paradigms that are limited in cross-cultural applicability. Hence, the analytical lenses of such texts subtly impart a perception that fails to accurately consider the culture of those being studied.
Word-Sound is Power

For instance, in discussing the meaning of Rastafari language Barrett implicitly rejects Rastafari thinking, logically the source of language. Barrett’s “scholarly” analysis is patronizing and implicitly insulting when he pejoratively suggests:
it is religious language of a strange type. Few outsiders can make sense of what the average cultist says. In the first place, it is ungrammatical when spoken by the uneducated; secondly, it is Jamaican dialect used on the philosophical level, a burden which it was not created to bear; and finally, the Rastafarian speech is almost devoid of subject-object opposition as well as without verbs. Students of Rastafarianism must be prepared to translate the material into English, or to do research only among the most educated brethren…But research done on a scholarly level would deny the joy of meeting grassroots Rastas [emphasis mine].

The subjective and elitist tone of Barrett's writing belittles and distorts the language and thinking of the Rastafari. Later he describes "[t]heir quaint mode of speech," and thus from his ivory intellectual tower Barrett is unable to fully overstand the power of Rastafari language as a liberating force that rejects the language, logic, and general thinking of the former slave master’s English culture. The Rastafari build upon African linguistic foundations in the creation of an authentic African-Jamaican language that resists Eurocentric traditions in a Jamaican culture that dismisses the language of African people as improper, broken and bad. Barrett's condescending analysis of Rastafari word-sound unfortunately fails to grasp the implications of the essentially African grammatical structure of Rastafari-Jamaican communications. As noted in Mervyn Alleyne’s Roots of Jamaican Culture, "plausible identifications can be made between a generalised West African morphosyntax (or a specific Twi-Asante morphosyntax) and the morphosyntax of Jamaican." This recognition is all-important in overstanding Rastafari word-sound, "an off-shoot from Jamaican [language]."
However, Barrett's work is praiseworthy for its informative examination of the historical evolution of resistance in Jamaica from the Maroons to the Rastafari. To his credit, his examination of traditional Rastafari Nyabinghi music and his summary of the Rastafari influence in reggae are insightful. In interpreting the impact of a 1976 Bob Marley and the Wailers concert in Philadelphia, Barrett notes,
Never since the time of Marcus Garvey had any Jamaican personality so excited an American audience with a revolutionary message as this Rastafarian band. The exciting fact is that out of Trench Town, a district seldom visited by Jamaican elites, came a new voice with a unique message in songs, inspiring the hearts of American youths, Black and White, and a new musical sound, full of mystery and dissonance, disturbingly Jamaican.

Although perceptive in his analysis of the Rastafari influence on reggae and its ultimate influence on an international level, Barrett's focus and scope in The Rastafarians is clearly not a comprehensive examination of the Rastafari impact on music. This is unfortunate though, as Barrett himself even acknowledged the music's profound impact when noting, "the spiritual ethos of Rastafarianism which produced reggae may be the most exciting thing to come out of Jamaica for many years to come."
One of the clearest and most objective samples of writing on the Rastafari can be witnessed in Tracy Nicholas' text, Rastafari: A Way of Life (1979). Because her intent is to give the Rastafari a forum to speak their truth, Nicholas is able to arrive at some essential points that are missed by other observers of the Rastafari. As she observes:
In coming to know Rastafari, the first thing to be recognized is that it is not a cult, a religion, an ideology, a cultural revival, or a revolutionary political movement. Rastafari cannot be defined in these terms because it flows beyond, contradicting each of them.

Nicholas' text is insightful, examining the most relevant themes in Rastafari life with a Rasta-centered analysis that captures the essence of the culture, quite often with Rastafari reasoning transcribed to text. In explaining the African retentive nature of Rastafari word-sound that Barrett had difficulties conceptually overstanding, Nicholas is clear:
It is ironic that the Rastas have probably never read the works of anthropologists describing Nommo, the African "power of the word." In Jamaica, the Rastas conceptualize speech as a holy tool which is certainly how it is viewed, and used, in a variety of African cultures…They know, fundamentally, without experiencing Africa, that their concept of language is natural and right. That it carries over from centuries of African tradition is no accident.

Nicholas' text also approaches the central figure in Rastafari worldview, Haile Selassie I, with an insightful sensitivity and balance that are missing from most texts that subjectively examine Rastafari thought. In addressing the criticisms against the Emperor that many texts raise, Nicholas notices that, similar to the recognition of complimenting opposites found as a central feature in traditional African worldview,
Rastafarians see both good and evil in all--including their late Messiah Haile Selassie…Most Rastas do not deny or defend critiques of their most holy Ras Tafari, Haile Selassie I. They emphasize the positive, understand and do not dwell on the negative.

However, in terms of an analysis of reggae, Nicholas like other writers on Rastafari fails to give sufficient analysis to the evolution of this potent art form. She focuses her analysis of reggae on Bob Marley, but does not give any in-depth insight into even the progression of his career or the importance of his music for the African world.
Another informative, yet critical work on the Rastafari is Horace Campbell’s Rasta and Resistance: From Marcus Garvey to Walter Rodney (1990). Reminiscent of Walter Rodney’s writing, Campbell’s Pan-African/socialist-Marxist analysis is able to articulate an overstanding of the pragmatic importance of the Rastafari's Pan-African cosmology as he writes, "the crowning of an African King who could claim legitimacy from the bible and from the line of Solomon led to a new deification, replacing the white King of England with a black God and black King." His analysis looks at the Rastafari as offering a valid and rational African cultural and philosophical resistance to White supremacy, and "properly link[s] the emergence of Rasta to the roots of resistance to slavery." In this way Campbell's perception of the ethos of the Rastafari is historically inclusive and recognizes the same Rasta spirit of rebellion for African freedom in their 18th century predecessors the Maroons, Tacky--a "Gold Coast African," the 19th century uprising leaders Sam Sharpe and Paul Bogle, as well as the 20th century Pan-African activist premier, Marcus Garvey. Campbell even aligns the 20th century contemporary Pan-African scholar Walter Rodney with the Rastafari.
But under this rubric Malcolm X, Kwame Nkrumah, Jomo Kenyatta, and other Pan-African/Black Nationalists could qualify as Rasta without dealing with the centrality of Haile Selassie I in the Rastafari theology, an issue that Campbell clearly sees as important to most Rastafari. Although it is the Rastafari that would acknowledge that there are many paths to The One Truth, for the traditional Rastafari the importance of King Selassie I is primary to his/her faith. Yet, it is the centrality of Ethiopia’s Emperor within the Rastafari theology that poses some of the greatest difficulties for Campbell’s analysis.
Sympathetic to the African need and right of a counter-perspective against Eurocentrism, and supportive of the spirit of resistance in the Rastafari movement, Campbell is still highly critical of Haile Selassie I, the central figure in Rastafari theology. His criticisms and insight into contradictions regarding Emperor Selassie I, when based in his political Pan-African analysis, appear to raise important issues. For instance, Campbell clearly sympathizes in a Pan-African sense with the Ethiopian peasants who "in the process of the Ethiopian revolution, were saying to the Rastafari that the Haile Selassie that they deified was not the same Haile Selassie who helped to mobilise the people against Italian fascism." Although Ethiopia's national level of poverty was among the world's highest during the time of the Ethiopian revolution, Campbell accuses the monarch of reprehensible economic neglect of massive portions of the population that spurred the Ethiopian revolution.
Another contradiction that Campbell attempts to raise regarding Rastafari worldview relates to Marcus Garvey. Interpreted in the Rastafari theology as King Selassie I's harbinger, Campbell notes that Garvey "separated support for Haile Selassie from support for the people of Abyssinia." Campbell quotes from Garvey's The Blackman periodical, in which Garvey criticizes the Emperor for having
no diplomatic agents among Negroes anywhere and the few that he did appoint were to the courts of white nations and they were chiefly white men or Abyssinians who were married to Italians and had great leanings towards whites whom they tried to ape.

However, in defense of Emperor Selassie I’s political and diplomatic astuteness, Garvey should have realized that on the African continent European colonialism reigned supreme in all countries, with the exception of Ethiopia and the nominal exception of the United States' historical African political satellite in Liberia. For King Selassie I to realistically attempt to maintain Ethiopia's sovereignty status, assistance would have to be gained from the sovereign nations of the world, the leaders of which were in Europe, not Africa. Scholars of Ethiopian politics make note that Emperor Selassie I was "an astute and successful negotiator, manipulator, and power broker."
Nevertheless, Campbell's critique of Rastafari theology seems to center on his objection to the veneration of Haile Selassie I as central figure in the culture, a position that Emperor Selassie I inherited among the Rastafari faithful upon his coronation by the Ethiopian Orthodox Church as "King of Kings, Lord of Lords, Conquering Lion of Judah, Elect of God, Defender of the Faith, and Light of the World" in the only vestige of African land never subjected to foreign or colonial rule. When one adds the religious significance of King Selassie I's Ethiopic Orthodox Judao-Christian heritage and tradition, it is not surprising that the Emperor won favor from "those Jamaicans" who Campbell notes, "interpreted the world in biblical terms."
“We don’t need Marx and Lenin and Hegel and so on.”
Bob Marley

Thus, Campbell's ambivalent analysis of King Selassie I sometimes distorts elements in his views of Rastafari thought and reggae lyrics. Also problematic is Campbell's attempt to scapegoat the beliefs of the Rastafari faithful on "studies which centralised the personality of Haile Selassie in the overall world view of the Rastafarians." When Campbell's critique of Rastafari theology is grounded in what appears as the mystical skepticism of Marxist thought and perspective, his analysis tends to miss the target. For example, Campbell tries to refine even Bob Marley's devotion to the Emperor when he writes:
Marley was astute enough to promote the positive contributions of Haile Selassie on the anti-colonial front while singing a single called “Jah Lives” to reassert the fact that Rastas had a life beyond Haile Selassie, saying that “Dread shall be dread and dread again.”

Yet, for Marley and most Rastafari who subscribe to the essential Rastafari faith in an ever-living Haile Selassie I as the returned Messiah, there is no death for King Selassie I, or any of the servants of Jah. Thus, the Nazarite-influenced adage, "Rasta don't deal with death," emerges from Rastafari thought to support the African-derived worldview that visions life as an I-tinual process that extends into eternity for the righteous. In fact, in live recordings of "Jah Live," written and recorded as a response to Rastafari skeptics, Marley proclaims "Selassie I lives!/Selassie I lives!/Selassie I lives!" As Marley would explain regarding the spiritual skepticism of the European philosophers, "[w]e appreciate Marx and Lenin, but we follow Marcus Garvey and Malcolm X…We want it to be more easier for the people ahead. We don't fight over ideologies."
Yet, it is Campbell's inability to fully endorse Emperor Selassie I that makes his analysis less than ideal for both original and most contemporary, self-proclaimed Rastafari. Although his text does not seem to subscribe and endorse the essential position that King Selassie I is the Messiah, Campbell does recognize the value of the Rastafari love for Africa and other aspects of the worldview. He attempts to co-opt, however, the Rastafari reverence of the Emperor by Marley and others when he writes, "[t]he Jah which Marley and other Rastas sang about was one who had to be willing to join the struggle of black people, and bore little resemblance to the autocratic monarch which Haile Selassie turned out to be." Perhaps Campbell's misanalysis of Marley's position occurs because he is unfamiliar with a Marley statement on the 1970s Ethiopian famine in which Marley implicitly supported the suffering of the “autocratic monarch’s” political dissidents. In a 1973 interview Marley's response to a query on the famine in Ethiopia is shocking in its absence of compassion.
If you don't know God you gonna suffer and dead! No, God no partial regardless where you live pon earth; if you there in Ethiopia inna Him palace and you don't know say Him is The Almighty, you suffer.

Although adherents to the Rastafari theology may likely find Campbell's criticisms of King Selassie I problematic, his work still maintains one of the most balanced assessments of Rastafari as a Pan-African philosophy. It is Campbell's conditional embrace of Rastafari that makes his work a critical appraisal. His text is also commendable for its chapter analysis, "Rasta, Reggae, and Cultural Resistance." Here, he properly places the progression of reggae within a sequence of cultural influences extending back to the enslaved African of Jamaica, to the rural 18th century Kongo and Akan based spiritual cultures of Kumina and Pocomania, to the emergence of the Nyabinghi drumming of the Rastafari and its impact on the grandfather of reggae, ska.
However, Campbell's reggae analysis does manifest a few problems. In reasoning on the impact of Rastafari reggae artists, he makes a factual error of including Jimmy Cliff (known for both his singing as well as his traditional Islamic faith) as a Rastafari. But his Marxist lens creates Campbell's greatest analytical difficulties in examining the Rastafari’s spiritually inspired reggae expression. Although perceptive in his recognition that reggae "has not yet transcended the individualism of capitalism," his textual example illustrates the culturally distorting and domineering nature of his Eurocentric paradigm. Attempting to support his point regarding reggae "individualism," Campbell critiques how
Peter Tosh, who has been one of the most uncompromising in his opposition to hypocritical political leaders, unwittingly repeated a central tenet of individualism when he sang the psalm “I am that I am, that I am…” At the base of these statements, however, are the assertion of bourgeois philosophy, for at the dawn of capitalism Rene Descartes [the 17th century French philosopher] had proclaimed “I think, therefore I am."

But in singing "I Am That I Am,” the self-proclaimed "Mystic Man" "of the past, living in the present and walking in the future," Tosh was essentially expressing his freedom in self through his identification with The Most High Jah of Israel Who proclaimed to Moses that "I am that I am" (Exodus, 3:14). Clearly Tosh is inspired in singing these words by the Black Hebrew prophets, an influence that has no relation to the French philosopher that Campbell's analysis attempts to associate with Tosh's song, "I Am That I Am." Ultimately Campbell's Marxist analysis of Tosh's lyric is a distortion of Tosh's influence and intent, which helps to illustrate the limitations of Eurocentric analysis in the examination of African culture. Although Campbell raises some very insightful points on reggae's dynamic cultural-political potential, the limitations of his Marxist paradigm create some of the greatest problems for the text. Furthermore, like Barrett and Nicholas' brevity of analysis on reggae, Campbell's text "does not permit the full investigation of this vibrant expression of the Rastas."
The misevaluation of Rasta worldview has had an effect on the quality of subsequent analyses of Rastafari and reggae, many of which utilize these works as central referents. Despite her use of the sources, Anita Waters' Race, Class, and Political Symbols: Rastafari and Reggae in Jamaican Politics (1989), is able to galvanize a clearly supported thesis that for the most part is able to balance some of the shortcomings of previous sources with her own lucid examination of the use of Rastafari “symbolism” and reggae by Jamaican politicians from 1972 through 1983. Waters’ insight reveals the effective use of Rastafari and reggae Pan-African cultural elements by the PNP or JLP winning party, with the exception of the 1983 elections which were uncontested by the PNP because of the party's accusations against the JLP for "subverting electoral democracy." Holding elections with an incomplete voters list, the JLP seized control of all of Parliament's sixty seats and Jamaica had a one party government.
Michael Manley and the PNP rode the wings of Rastafari culture and reggae to victory in 1972, and continued to exploit the culture in the 1976 election campaign and victory. The most pronounced use of reggae during this period was the free PNP-sponsored “Smile Jamaica” concert that highlighted Bob Marley as its main attraction. Although innuendos would attempt to minimize the clearly political nature of the assassination attempt on Marley just two days before the concert, Waters writes that the “reputation that the JLP had for fostering violence…made the shooting incident in Marley’s home a damaging blow.”
During the 1980 campaign Edward Seaga and the JLP exploited the PNP’s musical strategies by hosting “music festivals in at least three areas in the two weeks before the election.” The former record producer, "Seaga showed that he was adept in the use of other symbols of the Black lower class”; putting to use his Harvard-based research on Revivalist symbols, this tradition "partly took the place of Rastafari in providing political symbols and music." According to Waters, "[t]here was very little use of Rastafarian words and symbols and of reggae music in the 1983 campaign.” Besides the uncontested elections, other factors influenced the decline in the use of reggae in this election. She insightfully notes, "[t]he subculture's major leader, Bob Marley, was dead at age thirty-six. The newest artists avoided politics, considering partisan issues too dangerous to handle in recorded songs."
In sum, Waters book is praiseworthy for its documenting of the political nature that catapulted reggae into one of the great cultural phenomena of the 1970s. However, Waters' work analyzes the way politicians used reggae without deeply exploring the full political capacity of reggae and the persisting Pan-African vision of its artists. Although she engages reggae and its Jamaican political scope, her focus is on Jamaican politics rather than reggae itself. An important aspect of her work however, is her documentation of the political use of reggae thus showing the political forces' acknowledgement of the music's potent viability in reaching the African masses; viability that Babylon political forces would ultimately seek to co-opt and control. Although Waters raises the issue of the political control of reggae through her mentioning of various songs that were banned during the period of her study, her work does not examine the extent by which Western market forces corrupted the cultural and political potential of the music by isolating and marginalizing its culturally potent artists, and simultaneously promoting those artists who began producing less consequential reggae during the 1980s when Western interests began to impact Jamaica with the victory of the US supported, capitalist agenda of Edward Seaga.
A new millennium anthology that seeks to explore the depths of the Rastafari experience is Chanting Down Babylon: The Rastafari Reader, edited by Nathaniel Murrell, William Spencer, and Adrian McFarlane. Bound to become an essential reference on the Rastafari, the anthology covers the history, philosophy and culture of the movement with scholarly depth. Particularly insightful are articles looking at the roots of reggae in “African Dimensions of the Jamaican Rastafarian Movement” by Neil Savishinsky and Verena Reckford’s “From Burru Drums to Reggae Ridims: The Evolution of Rasta Music,” which make note of the Kongo-Kumina influence in the sacred Nyabinghi drumming of the Rastafari. The anthology also includes honorary interviews and essays by academia’s premier Rastafari researchers, George Simpson and Leonard Barrett. However, the critique of some of the basic problematic limitations of their works, such as made in this review, are overlooked in the anthology.
Select Analysis of Reggae Books
To its credit, in the first volume to specifically observe the reggae music phenomena, Stephen Davis and Peter Simon attempted to place the meaning of the music within the Pan-African spirit of the Rastafari in Reggae Bloodlines (1977). However, their re-published edition disclaims itself as "not an encyclopedia of Jamaican style, nor a critical appraisal of its music." What Davis' text and Simon's photography do provide is an intriguing merger of music journalism with photographs that attempt to capture the intangible feeling of the culture and music of reggae island. Reggae Bloodline’s approach is that of a rock and roll enthusiast intrigued with the spirit of cultural and personal liberation and independence explored in the numerous interviews of the more important reggae artists of the mid-1970s.
Still, Davis' text clearly reveals a certain outsider's perspective in its brevity on the historical experiences of the African-Jamaican people. Although he obviously admires the music and its artists, he seems oblivious to the culturally distorting boundaries created by his use of racist Eurocentric terms. In examining the roots-reggae group Burning Spear he writes, "Spear's music seemed to transcend all labels but 'primitive.'" He also repeats the same misinformation of the 1960s British colonists that misidentified the original Burning Spear, Jomo Kenyatta, as "the Mau Mau himself."
Furthermore, parts of Davis' text illustrate his inability to accurately decipher the Rastafari’s word-sound language. The expletive "fuckery" whose meaning should be obvious, is transcribed as "fookery" whose meaning could be ambiguous for the unfamiliar reader. He also expresses difficulty in overstanding what he terms as "arcane Rasta oral history." Lastly, Davis' analysis of Ethiopian Emperor Haile Selassie, the integral Messiah figure in Rastafari theology is subjectively unbalanced and contemptuous. The author suggests, without analysis nor documentation, that "[o]n his way to the throne he found it expedient to execute many of his rivals, and the Empress of Ethiopia died mysteriously just before Selassie's succession to the throne." Absent from Davis' analysis of King Selassie I is any depiction of the Pan-African implications of His Imperial Majesty’s reign of authority during a time when Ethiopia's distinction of being the only real sovereign nation in Africa redeemed hope in the hearts of Africans struggling on the continent and around the world for liberation from colonialism, neo-colonialism, and outright downpression.
Davis and Simon's second collaborative volume, Reggae International (1983), reveals a more wholistic approach to the music and culture. Much of the improvement comes from the mere fact that the text is an edited volume that pulls together in encyclopedic fashion the interpretations of several authors that bring balance to the previously limited and subjective analysis in Reggae Bloodlines. Reggae International is one of the most comprehensive and useful texts that examines not only the music, but also the myriad of historical and cultural influences that contribute to the music’s creation complemented by interviews with the music’s producers, as well as the singers and players of instruments.
The text begins with Garth White's essay, “Music in Jamaica: 1494-1957,” which provides an historical opening of the subject of Jamaican music tracing its progression from the slave ships through the rock steady era. Luke Ehrlich's chapter, "The Reggae Arrangement" reveals the musical intricacies of reggae for both musicians and sound engineers by providing bars and patterns as well as ranges and volumes for engineers to mix reggae's organ, piano, guitars, and drums. He effectively captures more than the mechanics of the music in his description of reggae's ethos:
Reggae is rhythmically spaced like the natural sounds you would hear any evening in Jamaica, outside of town: a lacelike pattern of beeping tree frogs and crickets over the night hush. The pace of it is natural, unhurried and altogether human, indicative of a people who have to walk instead of drive and whose disregard for the strict workaday time-sense is epitomized by the now-legendary attitude "soon come."

Rory Sanders' chapter on Rastafari provides a clear, objective analysis of the multifaceted nature of Rastafari culture and worldview, perceiving reggae as the "artistic and cultural expression of the Rastafarians, signifying oppression, exile, a longing for home, optimism, and Jah love." Also praiseworthy is Sanders' overstanding of the value of Rastafari word-sound, which is clear and for the most part accurate in his "Rasta Glossary." Sanders' text also recognizes the multiplicity within the Rastafari perspective. He not only sees this mixture of ideas amongst the Rastafari groups such as the Nyabinghi, the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, the Ethiopian National Congress, and the Twelve Tribes of Israel, Sanders is also concise in his observation of what he terms "'secular' and 'functional' Rastas" who would include "those people who sympathize with the humanitarian concerns of the Rastafarians.” These Rastafari do not necessarily see Emperor Selassie I as the traditional Rasta would, yet they "might engage in some of the Rastas' biblical, African or natural practices and lifestyle." Finally, Sanders also offers a balanced critique of the Emperor's life as he writes:
Any objective analysis of the life of Haile Selassie would probably reach certain conclusions: that Selassie was a great man in years and influence; that he contributed positively and significantly to Ethiopia's history during his reign; that he was not immune to the dreadful problems, both from internal and external sources, which any ruler must face.

Timothy White's chapter, "A History of Bob Marley & the Wailers," examines the major eras and influences in Bob Marley's life and career. Written with the same flair as found in his extended Marley biographical text, Catch a Fire, White's analysis of Marley is an abbreviated version of his biography that captures the cultural and political significance of Marley's career. Interspersed with interviews with Marley that White performed as an editor at Rolling Stone and Crawdaddy magazines, as well as a Marley interview with Reggae International editor and Marley biographer Stephen Davis, the "Rebel Music" chapter provides a broad examination of the multifaceted nature of the Bob Marley legend.
But White's writing has some problems. His relationship to reggae tycoon Chris Blackwell seemingly creates some analytical difficulties for White. Don Taylor, Bob Marley's personal manager from 1974 to 1980, states that Blackwell "used Timothy White and Stephen Davis to create an illusion of closeness between himself and Bob." In light of this type of analysis, it is not surprising that White is critical of the greed and corruption in African-Jamaican reggae production, yet subtle and crafty when raising the European-Jamaican pirating of Blackwell as an early reggae producer. He also provides the pro-Blackwell analysis of the break-up of the Wailers trio of Bob Marley, Peter Tosh, and Bunny Wailer. White writes how "[j]ealousy and internal power struggles ultimately plagued the Wailers," instead of equally examining Blackwell's admitted role in creating the wedge in the group. Despite these contradictions in analytical perspective, White's chapter does provide a provocative glimpse into the genius of Bob Marley.
Reggae International includes other insightful chapters that provide a view of reggae's landscape. "Iron Sharpen Iron" looks at the prominence of the harmony trios that were foundational to reggae's development. "X-ray Music" explores the work of reggae sound engineers in establishing the instrumental remixes known as dub. "Long Time I No Deejay Inna Dance" examines the Ska-Sound System origins of poetic verses voiced over musical tracks by deejays, the style commonly referred to as dancehall-reggae today. In this chapter, Gayle touches on the work of prominent and not so prominent Jamaican deejays of the 1970s and early 1980s. Davis' chapter, "Feel It in the One Drop" provides a description of nine Jamaican recording studios active in 1982, and a listing of fourteen reggae bands. The chapter also gives insight into the political-economics of reggae island’s “austerity programs and import restrictions effective in Jamaica from 1976 through 1981 [which] made it difficult or impossible to import electric instruments into the country."
Carolyn Cooper's chapter, "The Wrathful Madonna" attempts to explode conventional feminist approaches to analyzing the "enigma" of the Rastafari woman. She focuses her analysis on reggae-Rasta women, Marcia Griffiths and the late Puma Jones of the Black Uhuru trio with the conclusion that Griffiths and Jones have gained a sense of wholeness from their acceptance of Rastafari culture, thus complementing "biological function and social responsibility." The chapter, "Jamaican Singers In the Eighties," briefly explores the careers of Gregory Isaacs, Dennis Brown, Ijahman Levi, Peter Tosh, and Jimmy Cliff. Although not an in-depth analysis, this chapter does allow one to witness a cross-section of the socially, culturally, and politically responsive nature of reggae artists during the beginning of the 1980s.
The last part of Reggae International views a portion of the reggae diaspora, reggae produced in England. Chris May's "A History of British Reggae" gives a history of Jamaican music in Britain, while highlighting some of England's prominent reggae artists. Interviews with dub-poet Linton Kwesi Johnson and David Hinds of Steel Pulse provide London’s authentic reggae perspectives to the chapter. Additionally, Kaye's "On Guard, Babylon" explores the impact of reggae on rock and roll musicians of the 1980s. Yet, this entire section, "Reggae International," clearly illustrates a major shortcoming of the text. In attempting to highlight the internationalizing of reggae, there is no significant reasoning of the music's impact on, and influence in the development of reggae artists in Africa. This British-centered analysis, with its clear omission of Africa, proves to illustrate a significant shortcoming of the text considering that reggae is a music very much aligned with Africa in its aesthetic structure as well as its Pan-African message.
Interestingly, this similar critique could be raised regarding the work of other British authors. Dick Hebdige's Cut 'N' Mix: Culture, Identity and Caribbean Music (1987) also freezes reggae's evolution in Europe. Yet, it is commendable for its hinting of the emerging Western cultural-political pressures that would subsequently converge on roots-reggae. Simon Jones' Black Culture, White Youth: The Reggae Tradition from JA to UK would also detail reggae's mass market difficulties when noting that "the widespread hostility towards reggae within the rock market constituted a major marketing problem for those recording companies seeking to 'break' Jamaican music to a wider audience." Sebastian Clarke's Jah Music: The Evolution of the Jamaican Song (1980) and Lloyd Bradley’s This Is Reggae Music: The Story Of Jamaican Music (2000), provide two more insightfully critical British perspectives of reggae's evolution through the 1970s and 1990s respectively. Clarke's examination of reggae is one of the more perceptive analyses regarding the music's threat to the social-political status quo. Ominously, the text foretells of the susceptibility to assassination for the more political reggae artists. Meanwhile, Bradley’s insights provide an analysis of reggae right up to the new millennium from a British reggae sound system operator, turned music journalist. Bradley’s text effectively examines the political dynamics that historically have greatly compromised reggae’s cultural urgency.
Brian Jahn and Tom Weber's book, Reggae Island (1992) is a valuable resource of interviews that allows reggae artists to give their own analysis of the state of reggae music in the early 1990s. As dancehall deejay Tiger would explain to the authors, "[t]he music change in the '90s, y'understand. They rough it up, rough it up. In five years it change some more. Music will be fully computerized, even the lyrics, they get them digitally." Chris Potash's edited volume, Reggae, Rasta, Revolution (1997) provides another valuable reggae resource. The book is a compilation of previously published articles that have appeared in a wide array of literary formats. Thus, the text offers wide-ranging analytical perspectives that explore reggae's evolution from ska through dub to dancehall.
Steve Barrow and Peter Dalton’s Reggae: The Rough Guide (1997), and Kevin O’Brien Chang and Wayne Chen's Reggae Routes: The Story of Jamaican Music (1998) are part of a recent wave of well-updated volumes that resemble the encyclopedic style of Reggae International. Both texts are excellent resource books that extend the examination of reggae culture into its latter dancehall forms that were only on the horizon fifteen years prior when Reggae International was published. Chang and Chen’s volume also attempts to provide compilation radio charts to measure song popularity. However, regarding the value of Jamaican record charts, Jamaican musicologist Bunny Goodison, O.D. states:
Based on what I read, nobody trusts the charts. Because you see, the radio station have a chart…based on what they claim is the sales from the various shops that they check. But now these shops are owned by record producers who have a vested interest in telling the man seh, "this thing it sell 40,000 last week," because it's his artist. You follow the argument. Because it's a sales matter. It's to popular the artist to get a stage show that him and his manager can get him 15 percent off of it. You see the argument? It's figures you can't trust because him have a vested interest in cooking the figures…The payola on the radio station is legendary.

In fact, Chang and Chen concur with Goodison when they concede, "[t]here has always been controversy about the accuracy of music charts in Jamaica…the charts may not always be correct."
Much literary reasoning on reggae is contained within biographical analyses of Bob Marley and thus, reggae and its Rastafari influence are explored in these volumes as sub-text. Books in this vein would include Boot and Goldman's Bob Marley: Soul Rebel-Natural Mystic (1983), Whitney and Hussey's Bob Marley: Reggae King of the World (1984), Davis' Bob Marley (1990), White's Catch a Fire (1991), Talamon and Steffens' Bob Marley: Spirit Dancer, and Boot and Salewics' Bob Marley: Songs of Freedom (1995). However, these texts are not focused analyses attempting to examine the progression of the reggae art form. Thus, these works do not provide a targeted analysis of the cultural-political nature of reggae music, its production, nor the reggae industry as a whole. The focus of these biographical texts is on Marley and his life and career. An exception to the above, however, would be the biography and interviews of Marley and Tosh published in Fikisha Cumbo’s Bob Marley & Peter Tosh, Get Up! Stand Up! Diary of a Reggaeophile (2002). The mere interview nature of this text allows Marley and Tosh to articulate the cultural-political mission of their music like no biographer could.
Reggae Wisdom: Proverbs in Jamaican Music (2000), by Sw. Anand Prahlad is comprehensive scholarship on reggae’s use of the Biblical wisdom. Yet, the most comprehensive resource on reggae is arguably Rebekah Mulvaney's Rastafari and Reggae: A Dictionary and Sourcebook (1990). This reference text provides a dictionary of terms related to Rastafari and reggae, an expansive annotated discography focused on the "golden years" of reggae and classic releases in the various reggae sub-genres, an annotated videography, and an annotated bibliography. A most valuable resource, its only shortcoming is its need for a new millennium updating of reggae cultural sources produced in the decade of the 1990s and the early 2000s.
Evident by this review, it is clear that there is a diverse analysis in literature published on reggae and Rastafari culture. But with all of its diversity, this review discovered no full-length text to explore and critically analyze with depth, the nature of the marginalizing of the roots-reggae genre as the reggae industry evolved after the tragic, untimely, mysterious, and in some ways, mystical transitions, transformations, and deaths of some of the more prominent and outspoken Rastafari roots-reggae artists. The literature reviewed here, however, is important in contributing a wide array of useful resource material. Yet, it also displays some of the shortcomings in methodological strategies and perspectives taken in analyzing the cultural meaning and significance of reggae and the Rastafari.

APPENDIX H/NOTES
1. Trumpeter Miles Davis spoke about this same phenomenon in relation to the timing of White jazz artists in a famous 60 Minutes interview.
2. Wade Nobles and Lawford L. Goddard, Understanding the Black Family: A Guide for Scholarship and Research (Oakland: A Black Family Institute Publication, 1984). As Nobles and Goddard contend, conceptual incarceration occurs when “the student or investigator is allowed to engage in the process of knowing with a set of pre-defined ‘concepts.’ The concepts themselves, however, inhibit the process of knowing and the knower becomes a prisoner in a prism of alien ‘ideas.’ Hence, the concepts we use lock us up in a reality which, most times, has nothing or very little to do with the reality we are attempting to understand,” 22-23.
3. Asante, Kemet…, 6.
4. Baldwin, "Psychology of Oppression," 98.
5. Walter Rodney, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa (Washington, D.C.: Howard University Press, 1981), 89.
6. Diop, African Origins…, 111.
7. Ibid., 111-112.
8. Martin Luther King, Jr., Where Do We Go From Here: Chaos or Community? (New York: Harper and Row, Publishers, 1967), 88.
9. George Simpson, "Political Cultism in West Kingston, Jamaica," Social and Economic Studies, 4(2), (June, 1955), 133-49.
10. Barrett, The Rastafarians; J.V. Owens, "Literature on the Rastafari 1955-1974." New Community 6 (1/2), (Winter, 1977-78), 151; Joseph Owens, Dread: The Rastafarians of Jamaica (1976; reprint Kingston: Sangster, 1995), 57-62.
11. Simpson, "Political Cultism….”
12. Michael G. Smith, Roy Augier, and Rex Nettleford, Report on the Rastafari Movement in Kingston, (Kingston, Ja.: Institute of Social and Economic Research, 1960); Campbell, Rasta and Resistance, 104-105.
13. Campbell, Rasta and Resistance, 119n; New York City Police Department (NYPD), “Rasta Crime: A Confidential Report,” Caribbean Review 14, 1 (1985), 39-40.
14. See Time Will Tell, Dir. Declan Lowney (An Arena Presentation Videocassette, 1991).
15. Mbiti, …African Religions, 12.
16. Webster's II New Riverside Dictionary (New York: Berkley Books, 1984).
17. Reid, “…Up From Babylon,” 178.
18. Azibo, Daudi Ajani Ya, Liberation Psychology (Atlanta: Clarity Press, 1990); Diop, The African Origin…,123-24; Finch, “Africa and Palestine…,” 187-88; Houston, Wonderful Ethiopians…, 111-14; Rashidi and Van Sertima, Eds. …in Early Asia.
19. Barrett, The Rastafarians, 143.
20. Ibid., 174.
21. Alleyne, Jamaican Culture, 143, 147.
22. Barrett, The Rastafarians, 196.
23. Ibid.
24. Nicholas, Rastafari: A Way…, 4.
25. Ibid., 40.
26. Ibid., 32.
27. Campbell, Rasta and Resistance, 1, 69.
28. Ibid., 9.
29. Ibid., 75.
30. Mulatu Wubneh and Yohannis Abate, Ethiopia: Transition and Development in the Horn of Africa (Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1988), 21. In 1822 Liberia was founded under the premise that the US would repatriate its unwanted freed African-American population to undermine their involvement in any US abolitionist movements, see Davidson, Modern Africa…, 107.
31. Campbell, Rasta and Resistance, 76.
32. Marley is quoted in Lee O'Neill, "Bob," Reggae Report 11(3), (1993), 24.
33. Campbell, Rasta and Resistance, 127.
34. Ibid., 143.
35. Marley is quoted in Lee O'Neill, "Bob," 24; also view Lewis, Heartland Reggae.
36. Campbell, Rasta and Resistance, 143.
37. Bob Marley Interviews….
38. Campbell, Rasta and Resistance, 142; see Davis and Simon, Reggae Bloodlines. Davis makes a comment regarding “Cliff’s ardent embrace of Islam,” 85.
39. Campbell, Rasta and Resistance, 149.
40. Ibid., 139.
41. Waters, …Reggae in Jamaican Politics, 248, 275.
42. Ibid., 198
43. Ibid., 235, 287, 308-309.
44. Murrell, et al., Chanting Down Babylon….
45. Davis and Simon, Reggae Bloodlines, back cover.
46. Ibid., 54; the actual leader of the Land and Freedom Armies, referred to by the British as the Mau Mau, was the warrior Dedan Kimathi.
47. Ibid., 60, 73, 75.
48. Luke Ehrlich, "The Reggae Arrangement," Reggae International, 52.
49. Rory Sanders, "A Rastafarian Primer," Reggae International, 59, 68-70.
50. Taylor, Marley and Me, 219-20.
51. White, “A History of Bob Marley & the Wailers,” Reggae International, 84; view Bob Marley and the Wailers, Dir. Jo Merrell and Charles Chabot (An Arena Presentation Videocassette, 1986).
52. Stephen Davis, “Feel It in the One Drop,” Reggae International, 131.
53. Carolyn Cooper, “The Wrathful Madonna,” Reggae International, 127, 141.
54. Hebdige, Cut ‘N’ Mix….
55. Simon Jones, Black Culture, White Youth: The Reggae Tradition from JA to UK (Houndsmills: MacMillan, 1988), 61.
56. Lloyd Bradley, This Is Reggae Music: The Story of Jamaica’s Music (New York: Grove Press, 2000).
57. Clarke, Jah Music, 117.
58. Brian Jahn and Tom Weber, Reggae Island: Jamaican Music in the Digital Age (Kingston, Ja.: Kingston Publishers Limited, 1992), 25; Potash, Reggae, Rasta….
59. Chang and Chen, Reggae Routes, 220-234.
60. Bunny Goodison, O.D. (Order of Distinction, Jamaica), Personal interview (21 August 1997, Kingston, Ja).
61. Chang and Chen, Reggae Routes, 220.
62. Adrian Boot and Vivien Goldman Bob Marley: Soul Rebel-Natural Mystic (London: Vermilion Publishing, 1983); Whitney and Hussey, Bob Marley: Reggae King…; Davis, Marley: Revised; White, Catch a Fire; Bruce Talamon and Roger Steffens, Bob Marley: Spirit Dancer (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1994); Boot and Salewics, …Songs of Freedom.
63. Fikisha Cumbo, Bob Marley & Peter Tosh, Get Up! Stand Up! Diary of a Reggaeophile (Brooklyn: CACE International Inc., 2002).
64. Sw. Anand Prahlad, Reggae Wisdom: Proverbs in Jamaican Music (Jackson, Ms.: University Press of Mississippi, 2000).
65. Mulvaney, Rastafari and Reggae.

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